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It all fell into place when I read about the ten oversize condo towers.
This isn't Tory delivering a great public space for the city .... It's about a bunch of greedy developers scheming how to build on those tracks ..... And Tory falling for it hook line and sinker. The City needs to drive a really hard bargain here - and if the OMB intervenes, it's time to ask why we need the OMB.

- Paul
 
It all fell into place when I read about the ten oversize condo towers.
This isn't Tory delivering a great public space for the city .... It's about a bunch of greedy developers scheming how to build on those tracks ..... And Tory falling for it hook line and sinker. The City needs to drive a really hard bargain here - and if the OMB intervenes, it's time to ask why we need the OMB.

- Paul

A ruling against the OMB in Richmond Hill (in Ontario court) really handcuffs the OMB from making something up. If the city zones the area to their liking, the OMB has no jurisdiction telling it to do otherwise; that would go against the broad authority given to municipalities under the Planning Act.
 
It all fell into place when I read about the ten oversize condo towers.
This isn't Tory delivering a great public space for the city .... It's about a bunch of greedy developers scheming how to build on those tracks ..... And Tory falling for it hook line and sinker. The City needs to drive a really hard bargain here - and if the OMB intervenes, it's time to ask why we need the OMB.

- Paul

I am not going to prematurely call the proposal bad - we haven't seen any details, and realistically judiciously designed and placed buildings can help with the urban fabric and how it relates to any parkland. Having said that, it is important to have that discussion now in public - and personally I'd like to see a commercial component to it as well - particularly given any site that is close to a new railway station this close to the core is probably worth it.

AoD
 
All the city has to do is to rezone it so nothing can be built besides a park and those air rights would drop in value, right?

Can the city really do that without paying damages? I mean, if you bought a really valuable piece of land and the city decides all of a sudden that you can't build anything on it then you have a de-facto expropriation. It's like with the Arbutus corridor in Vancouver, the city paid market value for the land but if they ever decide to allow development/rezone they need to pay CN the difference in the value of the land.

A ruling against the OMB in Richmond Hill (in Ontario court) really handcuffs the OMB from making something up. If the city zones the area to their liking, the OMB has no jurisdiction telling it to do otherwise; that would go against the broad authority given to municipalities under the Planning Act.

Could you be more specific? What exactly has the OMB been making up, what is the case and how has it restricted their jurisdiction?

My impression is that cities are entirely "creatures of the province" and thus don't have much "broad authority", even when it comes to planning.
 
Could you be more specific? What exactly has the OMB been making up, what is the case and how has it restricted their jurisdiction?

http://torontoist.com/2016/09/richmond-hill-omb-parks-thing/

I don't understand the specifics well enough to analyse the Rail Park proposal to see how it fits against how Toronto applies Section 42. There has been such generality to what Tory has been saying (#smarttrackalloveragain) that I doubt these specifics actually have been fleshed out.

I totally agree with @AoD that we need much more transparency here. Around the details, and also around who has been talking to whom to get this all started?

- Paul
 
Could you be more specific? What exactly has the OMB been making up, what is the case and how has it restricted their jurisdiction?

My impression is that cities are entirely "creatures of the province" and thus don't have much "broad authority", even when it comes to planning.

http://torontoist.com/2016/09/richmond-hill-omb-parks-thing/

I don't understand the specifics well enough to analyse the Rail Park proposal to see how it fits against how Toronto applies Section 42. There has been such generality to what Tory has been saying (#smarttrackalloveragain) that I doubt these specifics actually have been fleshed out.

Summarized version:
  • Richmond Hill set a required amount of parkland (the max allowed) that had to be provided (or given cash in lieu) by developers along Yonge and Highway 7, under section 42 of Planning Act
  • Developers didn't like that, took Richmond Hill to OMB, arguing that there were other examples in the city of the parkland amount being capped
  • OMB agreed and set its own parkland cap rate to be imposed on Richmond Hill
  • Richmond Hill took OMB decision to court, court sided with RH citing that:
    • It is beyond the OMB's jurisdiction to set aside a planning decision by a municipality (i.e. how much park space needs to be established), and impose its own planning decision
    • Such a move is in violation of the "broad authority...to enable the municipality to govern its affairs as it considers appropriate" under section 8 of the Municipal Act (I mistakenly said Planning Act).
    • Citing caps carried out in other parts of the city, 20 years ago, is totally appropriate and inconsiderate of current planning pressures.
All that to say that Toronto, in zoning the area for parkland above the rail corridor, is governing its affairs as it considers appropriate. It would be beyond the OMB to come along and change that, unless it was relevant to the requirements of other legislation. I do not believe there is other legislation that states in establishing parkland, you have to give developers a slice of the pie.
 
Even applying this ruling, can Toronto extract a larger proportion of this parcel of "land" (air rights, really) for parkland than they have traditionally set aside for other tracts in the downtown core?

I wonder if the owners of the land (doesn't matter if it's CN/TTR or the newbies.....somebody owns it,, and it's not the City, yet) would make the argument that if the land were rezoned to permit development, their "contribution" to parkland would only be so many hectares per so many units. And therefore, that's all they are required to devote to parkland going forward. If the City wants more than that, they have to not only buy the land but compensate for lost opportunity.

The Richmond Hill case involved that City's longstanding Official Plan and parkland formula. The rail lands case involves a change to the Official Plan, and a new formula that potentially exceeds past practice and precedent. Can Toronto "invent" a formula that benefits the city, to the detriment of whoever was holding the air rights towards some future development?

To date, all the public waxing-poetic on this idea has made it sound that the entire piece of property south of Front Street was "waste land" and with this initiative it would all end up as park. Now, it's sounding more like it's a developable parcel of land, which the owners have been holding until the time is right. And the park idea is simply the development moving forward, with some extra fraction of that parcel set aside to parkland. With maybe some concessions (like additional height or density) granted for the part that does get developed. That's a very different story, and not how this was sold at the outset.

I am cynical enough to wonder if we have been hearing the whole truth, and is there more backroom negotiating on this than just setting a price and buying the land from CN/TTR.

- Paul
 
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Even applying this ruling, can Toronto extract a larger proportion of this parcel of "land" (air rights, really) for parkland than they have traditionally set aside for other tracts in the downtown core?

I wonder if the owners of the land (doesn't matter if it's CN/TTR or the newbies.....somebody owns it,, and it's not the City, yet) would make the argument that if the land were rezoned to permit development, their "contribution" to parkland would only be so many hectares per so many units. And therefore, that's all they are required to devote to parkland going forward. If the City wants more than that, they have to not only buy the land but compensate for lost opportunity.

The Richmond Hill case involved that City's longstanding Official Plan and parkland formula. The rail lands case involves a change to the Official Plan, and one that exceeds past practice and precedent. Can Toronto "invent" a formula that benefits the city, to the detriment of whoever was holding the air rights towards some future development?

To date, all the public waxing-poetic on this idea has made it sound that the entire piece of property south of Front Street was "waste land" and with this initiative it would all end up as park. Now, it's sounding more like it's a developable parcel of land, which the owners have been holding until the time is right. And the park idea is simply some extra fraction of that parcel set aside to parkland. With maybe some concessions (like additional height or density) allowed for the part that does get developed. That's a very different story, and not how this was sold at the outset.

I am cynical enough to wonder if we have been hearing the whole truth, and is there more backroom negotiating on this than just setting a price and buying the land from CN/TTR.

- Paul

The city has already amassed funds through section 42 from previous developments, and some of it will pay for the Rail Deck Park; there is nothing to re-formulate. My point was only on the zoning aspect and how the OMB better watch itself.

It is an illustration of wasted opportunity as you said, however. Municipalities have the option of taking cash-in-lieu or having a developer set aside some of their land for parks. Toronto just took the cash in many cases, allowing development to spur on. Now we're left with establishing a large park on a structure, that may cost more to establish and maintain compared to having at-grade parkland. I had pointed to a blog post earlier in the thread.
 
The city has already amassed funds through section 42 from previous developments, and some of it will pay for the Rail Deck Park; there is nothing to re-formulate. My point was only on the zoning aspect and how the OMB better watch itself.

It is an illustration of wasted opportunity as you said, however. Municipalities have the option of taking cash-in-lieu or having a developer set aside some of their land for parks. Toronto just took the cash in many cases, allowing development to spur on. Now we're left with establishing a large park on a structure, that may cost more to establish and maintain compared to having at-grade parkland. I had pointed to a blog post earlier in the thread.

The amount amassed is not sufficient for the project - and that's before taking into account the cost of acquiring the air-rights.

As to setting aside some of their land for parks instead of cash-in-lieu - considering the size of the sites, a good chunk of them would like slivers that are utterly useless and would work more as POPS than anything else (like just how many G&M Front Street sites are there?). I am not sure how that is beneficial.

AoD
 
Some excellent posts, started to quote them all, but quoted too many to still make a clear point, but let me add this: The OMB *is not* the end-all of a legal decision, by any means. Any ruling by the OMB can be appealed to the Ont Superior Court for a decision by an Ontario court. This is in fact the basis of the Richmond Hill case with intervenor status from (four?) other municipalities.

I'm not even sure that cases have to be heard by the OMB before petitioning Superior Court to hear one.

Also the term "air rights" is probably complicating the various claims, but I repeat, Tory, Keesmaat, Cressy et al were all over this far too soon! This is SomewhatSmartTrack all over again. Tory of all people should know better, so should Keesmaat. City staff themselves don't know who owns what and by what definition.

This is going to backfire! When you come out shooting, you'd better know who you're shooting at and why. Bungle in the Urban Jungle...
 
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And this hasn't come up yet, but it will:
Constitutional Issues in Construction Projects
Blakes_Law_Firm_Business_Bulletin.jpg


04/19/2013
Construction


Peter Hogg and Courtney Kachur

Construction projects are usually governed by provincial law, which is enacted pursuant to s. 92(13) of the Constitution Act, 1867 ("property and civil rights in the province"). Municipal bylaws may also apply. They also come within provincial authority, either under s. 92(13) or s. 92(8) ("municipal institutions in the province"). Construction projects raise many difficult legal issues, but only occasionally do they give rise to constitutional issues. The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms is rarely relevant because the Charter does not normally apply to matters of property and contract. Federalism issues can arise, however, when the apparently governing provincial (or municipal) law encroaches in some fashion on a federal matter (a matter outside provincial jurisdiction). This situation is illustrated by a number of recent cases, which are the topic of this article. Constitutional challenges to a provincial law fall into three categories:

  1. The provincial law is ultra vires and invalid because it is in relation to a matter within federal jurisdiction;
  2. The provincial law is valid but inapplicable by reason of interjurisdictional immunity;
  3. The provincial law is valid but inoperative by reason of federal paramountcy.
This article covers these three categories.

The Doctrine of Ultra Vires
A provincial law is ultra vires (beyond the powers of) and invalid if it is, in its pith and substance, in relation to a matter coming within federal jurisdiction. This is the fate of a provincial (or municipal) law that fails to keep within the heads of power assigned to the provinces in s. 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

In Quebec v. Lacombe (2010), the plaintiff cottage owners constructed aerodrome facilities on a lakeside property in Quebec, and then used the lake as a water aerodrome for a commercial air taxi service that used a fleet of float planes. The plaintiffs had selected the lake for the aerodrome without any input or permission from the Federal Department of Transport. However, they had registered the lake as an aerodrome with the Department, which was all that was needed to dedicate the lake as an "aerodrome" (as opposed to an "airport", which is subject to serious regulatory standards). The commercial air taxi service required a licence from the Department and the plaintiffs had duly obtained that licence.

In Lacombe, the problem was that the lake was within a municipality that had enacted a bylaw prohibiting the use of that lake (and others in the same area), as an aerodrome. The plaintiffs brought proceedings attacking the validity of the bylaw. The Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) held that the pith and substance of the bylaw, which explicitly prohibited the construction of aerodromes, was aeronautics, which is a federal head of power.1 Therefore the bylaw was ultra vires the province and the municipality and was accordingly invalid. The plaintiffs were entitled to continue to use the lake as an aerodrome despite the contrary bylaw, as it was subject to federal jurisdiction. The takeaway from Lacombe is that provincial, or in this case municipal, law cannot control the location of airfields.

In Lacombe, McLachlin CJ, writing for the majority, added that, if the bylaw had been a valid law in relation to land use in the province, she would still have held that it was inapplicable to the water aerodrome, by virtue of the doctrine of interjurisdictional immunity. That was the holding in the companion case of Quebec v. Canadian Owners and Pilots Association (2010), which we discuss next under the heading of "interjurisdictional immunity".

The Doctrine of Interjurisdictional Immunity
If a valid provincial law of general application has the effect in one of its applications of impairing the "core" of a federal head of power, the provincial law is inapplicable to the federal subject matter by virtue of the doctrine of interjurisdictional immunity.
COPA was another case in which Quebec landowners had established a small local aerodrome (this one on dry land) in breach of a zoning regulation. In this case, the regulation was not a municipal bylaw, but a provincial law that designated parts of the province as agricultural zones from which all non-agricultural uses were prohibited. Unlike the bylaw in Lacombe, the law did not single out aeronautics. However, the law did purport to prohibit the aerodrome because it was a non-agricultural use of land within an agricultural zone.

McLachlin CJ, writing for the majority, held that the pith and substance of the provincial law was not aeronautics, but land use, a matter within the provincial head of power of property and civil rights in the province (s. 92(13)). Unlike the bylaw in Lacombe, this law was valid. However, she held that the law was inapplicable to the aerodrome by virtue of the doctrine of interjurisdictional immunity. The location of aerodromes and airports was part of the core of the federal power over aeronautics, and provincial regulation would impair that power. This was so even though Parliament had not in fact regulated the location of aerodromes; in this case, the location of the aerodrome had been chosen by the landowners and simply registered with the Federal Department of Transport. The absence of any federal law regulating the location of aerodromes was fatal to a paramountcy argument,2 but it did not matter for interjurisdictional immunity. The result was that the doctrine of interjurisdictional immunity exempted the aerodrome from the provincial law prohibiting non-agricultural uses of the land. Like Lacombe, COPA reinforced the rule that provincial law cannot control the location of airfields.

[...continues at length...]
http://www.blakes.com/English/Resources/Bulletins/Pages/Details.aspx?BulletinID=1722
 
Further to the prior post, not had a chance to find exact legislation to quote, but will buttress the point by juxtaposition:
[...]
The catch is that contrary to Milton’s position the proposed development isn’t constrained by municipal, regional or provincial planning by-laws. Like airports and broadcasters, rail companies are regulated solely by the federal government. Local planning powers, which flow from the province, don’t apply to CN provided the railway is using land for standard railway operations.

Municipal lawyer Quinto Annibale said Milton’s options are limited: the Constitution made railways the domain of the federal government in 1867, and municipalities across Ontario and the rest of the country have little say in what they do.

“In 1867, railroads were seen as a matter of national importance,” said Annibale. “They were infrastructure that was seen as essential to the Canadian economy and needed to be regulated by one government coast to coast.”

The division of powers at Confederation holds today. There are also other areas where federal jurisdiction leaves municipalities with less planning authority than they would have otherwise. For example, the federal role in regulating broadcasting means that towns around the GTA have limited power to control where cellular phone towers are built: if towers are under 15 metres, the CRTC doesn’t require phone companies to consult with municipalities at all.

Even provincially, there are limits to where municipalities can regulate new development. Electrical infrastructure, both power plants and transmission lines, have historically been exempted from city planning in Ontario. That’s part of the story behind the controversial decision not to build gas-fired power plants in Mississauga and Oakville (though those decisions don’t have to end in political scandal: Hydro One is currently planning a large transformer station in the Oak Ridges Moraine, land that’s otherwise protected from industrial development.)

There are some exceptions to CN’s exemption from municipal regulation. Specifically, CN-owned land has to be used for railway development; otherwise, local planning by-laws hold. For instance, in 2006, the Canadian Pacific Railway attempted to turn an underused rail corridor in Vancouver into an office and residential development. The Supreme Court ruled, however, that British Columbia law and Vancouver’s planning by-laws applied to CPR’s property.

Annibale said those kinds of exceptions likely don’t apply to the Milton intermodal terminal—it’s difficult to imagine a case where the facility isn’t considered a railway development. That leaves the Canadian Environmental Assessment Agency as the one avenue where government and residents can formally challenge the proposal. The CEAA confirmed that it's involved in preliminary discussions about the plan, but it’s too early to predict the outcome.
http://tvo.org/article/current-affa...ing-yard-trump-miltons-city-planning-strategy

This doesn't definitively make the case for air rights above the USRC one way or the other, but it does mean that the claims from loud voices at City Hall are about as believable as a political promise. The inverse logic of this is that the City has no authority to declare the air-space above the tracks as parkland by zoning change. Someone had best speak to City Hall's legal boys in short pants before making any more wild statements.

Stalemate ensues...
 
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The City, the mayor's office and Cressy don't come off looking well here. But I guess that's what happens when you make this big splash about TTR property without checking with them first.
 
The City, the mayor's office and Cressy don't come off looking well here. But I guess that's what happens when you make this big splash about TTR property without checking with them first.

I find it hard to believe that they are unaware of air rights issue - that kind of incompetence from all three is unthinkable (esp. from JK from a planning perspective and JT from a strategic one). But look at what it has done? It basically gotten TTR to issue a letter, flushed out some noises about another private proposal AND then have the former talk about "working together" in public.

AoD
 
I find it hard to believe that they are unaware of air rights issue

This may be why the gist of statements are to the effect of "We (TTR, CN) are quietly working with the City on this".

There may indeed be a way to *negotiate* a reasonable outcome from this, but Tory, Keesmaat, Cressy et al had best learn to keep their mouths shut until they know what they're gambling with, and by what rules. Again..."Tory should know better" considering his time at the helm of Rogers. Perhaps he thinks he's 'Ted reincarnate'?

It basically gotten TTR to issue a letter,
Two that the press is reporting. And quite possibly more behind the scenes, one wonders how many from legal eagles telling the City how to tie their shoelaces properly and wipe their noses?

Here's betting that some of the City's legal staff are having conniptions...

Just glancing through the Supreme Court decision on Arbutus now, I'll take a closer look later, it is very interesting, but the ruling is per "The Vancouver Charter", not Federal Law.

[...][The ODP merely freezes the use of the land with a view to preserving it for future development by precluding present uses that might interfere with that development. [12] [16] [22‑23][...]
https://scc-csc.lexum.com/scc-csc/scc-csc/en/item/16/index.do

The terms of ownership of the presently *fully used* USRC rail corridor would have to be proven conditional to provincial or local terms to void federal jurisdiction. Googling for "Canada air rights rail corridor" shows no hits, tried at length last night, but one can presume they do belong to the railway, unless some prior understanding deems otherwise. Again, think airports.

I'm not a lawyer, but my immediate impression is that this is a far more complex matter than Tory has boots to wade through.
 
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