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It seems the predictions I read on another forum - that Putin has a history of doing this stuff during the winter Olympics - might be prescient. He will no doubt try to blame it on the humiliation visited on the Russian people by the drug allegations against the Russian figure skater.

I guess they didn't get to switch piss samples at the Chinese lab this time. As to the timing - maybe it's more related to climate - any later and the land might turn muddy (and that would be a problem for armoured vehicles - as it already did at an exercise in Belarus)

AoD
 
I guess they didn't get to switch piss samples at the Chinese lab this time. As to the timing - maybe it's more related to climate - any later and the land might turn muddy (and that would be a problem for armoured vehicles - as it already did at an exercise in Belarus)

AoD
No pre-drilled holes in the cubicle walls!

I suspect you are right. According to folks who are much more knowledgeable about such things, weather plays a significant factor and the window this time of year is relatively narrow.
 
I thought this was about the skater failing a drug test taken in Russia in December? I don't think her tests in China have caused any issue.
Her recent tests seem to be clear but the question is whether she should have competed in the first place with a suspension tied to the positive test in December.
 
Justin Trudeau has his Abbey Road Moment as he crosses an empty Wellington Street in Ottawa:

6OYVonY.jpg


 
The Federal government has its usual budget consultation survey online right now.

While I think we all need to concede that most of the big decisions have already been taken, I do think there's always some room to shift policy at the margins, and to encourage government to look at different ideas for next year.

I would encourage anyone to participate, and to make use of the write-in comment boxes which can allow you to be much clearer about what you support and why than simply checking boxes off.

 
With the pandemic restrictions pretty much over, the collapse of the CPC, and the nation focused on the war in Ukraine and looking to to PM for reassurance, I’d say Trudeau is set for a majority government. Expect an election within the next twelve months.
 
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See also this link.

KGB archives show how Chrystia Freeland drew the ire (and respect) of Soviet intelligence services​


The Soviet Union’s secret police, the infamous KGB, praised her savvy and erudition, even as she frustrated their attempts to spy on her in Cold War Ukraine. They tagged her with the code name Frida. But today we know Chrystia Freeland as Canada’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance.

Ms. Freeland’s ties to Ukraine are no secret, but materials uncovered from the KGB archives in Kyiv illuminate her role in the Ukrainian independence movement while on exchange there from Harvard University.

In the former Soviet republic – now Moscow’s antagonist – access to information on the communist period is guaranteed, both as part of reckoning with Ukraine’s past and explicitly as a rebuke to Russia, which is seeking once again to impose itself on the country.

The materials show what drew the Soviet intelligence services’ attention to the then-troublesome young Canadian, who was the subject of denouncements in the Soviet press and even warranted a feature in top-secret KGB documents.

In articles bearing titles like “Abuse of Hospitality,” Soviet newspapers publicly lambasted the Canadian visitor for recklessly meddling in the Soviet Union’s affairs with malice aforethought.

What business, the Kyiv newspaper Pravda Ukrainy asked, did someone from Edmonton have leading a civic organization for the preservation of the Ukrainian language in Ukraine? Why did someone in Ukraine to study Ukrainian spend so little time doing so at the university sponsoring her visit – and why study when, as the televised rallies at which she spoke time and again clearly showed, she spoke the language flawlessly?

Even Pravda, the official broadsheet of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, condemned her by name, and others like her, for their efforts to tear Ukraine away from the USSR.
Ms. Freeland, in a written statement to The Globe and Mail, said: “I am aware that my work with pro-democracy and environmental activists invoked the ire of the Soviet KGB. I remember being the target of smear campaigns in the Soviet press.

“Though I was eventually forced to leave the country, I have no regrets about my time in Ukraine during the Soviet period. Out of this experience, what struck me, very powerfully, was how quickly a rotten political system could collapse, and how important the work of brave dissidents could be.”

Ms. Freeland was part of a flood of tourists; activists; missionaries; students; and even historians, purporting to work in the archives (but suspected by authorities, including the KGB, of having ulterior motives), visiting the Soviet Union during its final years. But she is unique in having become a top-secret published case study for the KGB in just how much damage one determined foreigner could do to the USSR as they knew it.
The Soviet Union’s state media tended to adopt a breathless style when exposing what it saw as the wicked machinations of foreigners such as Ms. Freeland. However, the KGB’s Colonel A. Stroi, based in Kyiv, dispensed with the feigned indignance in his report on the woman giving him so much grief in the pages of Sbornik KGB SSSR (Digest of the KGB of the USSR), the KGB’s top-secret, in-house journal.

Ms. Freeland, and her ilk, were a threat to the Soviet Union – but one which had to be handled delicately: Treating her too harshly could give credence to the “libellous” stories told in Ukrainian émigré communities about how the KGB treated national minorities in the Soviet Union.

According to the KGB, Ms. Freeland was more than just an agitator for, as Col. Stroi derisively put it, “the liberation of Ukraine” who coerced Soviet citizens into staging marches and rallies to attract Western support. She delivered cash, video- and audio-recording equipment, and even a personal computer to her contacts in Ukraine.

All of this took place under the watchful eye of the KGB, which surveilled Ms. Freeland. Its officers tailed her wherever she went; tapped her phone calls to Ukrainians abroad; bugged her accommodation; read her mail; and had an informer, codenamed Slav, insert himself into Ms. Freeland’s circle and gain the young Canadian’s trust.
But Ms. Freeland knew the rules of the road. She used a Canadian diplomat at the embassy in Moscow, known to the KGB as Bison and suspected of being a spy, to send material abroad in a diplomatic pouch that could not be intercepted or read.

She increasingly avoided major gatherings, lest her participation draw too much attention to her. And the Soviet secret police’s subtler attempts to curtail her activities failed: Her teacher at Kyiv’s Taras Shevchenko University, on the KGB’s orders, increased her workload. But the student, ostensibly on a visa to study Ukrainian, was so fluent that she did not need to attend class in the first place in order to make grades – much to the KGB’s chagrin.

Instead, she spent her time traversing Ukraine, purporting to visit far-flung family members, but in fact working as a fixer for visiting journalists from Canada, Britain and the United States, for example taking a BBC film crew to Lviv to meet leaders in the Ukrainian Catholic Church. Countless “tendentious” news stories about life in the Soviet Union, especially for its non-Russian citizens, had her fingerprints as Ms. Freeland set about making a name for herself in journalistic circles with an eye to her future career prospects.

Col. Stroi certainly objected to what Ms. Freeland was doing in Ukraine, but the KGB officer could not help but be impressed. She was “a remarkable individual” with “an analytical mindset.” The young Canadian was “erudite, sociable, persistent, and inventive in achieving her goals,” nefarious as they may have been in the eyes of Soviet intelligence.

The student causing so many headaches clearly loathed the Soviet Union, but she knew its laws inside and out – and how to use them to her advantage. She skillfully hid her actions, avoided surveillance (and shared that knowledge with her Ukrainian contacts) and expertly trafficked in “misinformation.” The conclusion is inescapable: Chrystia Freeland, this KGB officer was saying, would have made an excellent spy herself.

Ms. Freeland’s time in the Soviet Union came to an end when customs agents at Moscow’s Sheremetyevo airport, tipped off by the KGB, searched her luggage as she returned from a trip to London and found anti-Soviet materials. Even more worrying, they discovered a veritable how-to guide for running an election destined for use by non-Communist Party candidates campaigning for Ukrainian independence in the Soviet Union’s first-ever free elections. She was denied re-entry on March 31, 1989.

Some 30 years later, there is no love lost between Canada’s Deputy Prime Minister and the current leader of Russia, himself a former KGB officer, Vladimir Putin. And she still cannot fly into Moscow – since 2014, Chrystia Freeland has once again been the target of Kremlin sanctions, barred from entering the country.
 
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Now for some good news...

Alberta projects first surplus in eight years as high oil prices drive dramatic turnaround

From link.

Alberta expects to post a surplus in the next fiscal year after eight years in the red, as it forecasts near-record royalty payments from high oil prices that have propelled a sharp financial turnaround.

The United Conservative Party government’s budget, released Thursday, predicts Alberta’s revenue will outpace expenses by $511-million in 2022-2023, followed by surpluses in 2023-2024 and 2024-2025. A year ago, the government projected a $10.98-billion deficit in 2022-2023.

Premier Jason Kenney staked his political reputation on reviving Alberta’s struggling economy and cleaning up its books. Sluggish oil prices and the COVID-19 pandemic jeopardized those goals, but his government is now projecting a balanced budget on the strength of surging energy prices and continued spending restraint. New Brunswick is the only other province expected to balance its books in the forthcoming fiscal year.
Travis Toews, the Minister of Finance, acknowledged energy’s role in Alberta’s fortunes, but insisted deficits would have lingered if not for UCP’s commitment to cutting costs.

“There’s no doubt rising energy prices have certainly improved the balance sheet and the bottom line,” Mr. Toews told reporters prior to tabling the budget in the legislature. “But we’ve been focused as a government over the last three years on managing what we can manage.”
Under the UCP, Alberta increased its annual operating spending by less than half a per cent per year over the last three years, compared to 4 per cent annual growth in the preceding years, Mr. Toews said. He said the province has successfully brought Alberta’s per capita spending in line with provinces like Ontario and British Columbia.

“That fiscal discipline is really positioning the province to be much more fiscally sustainable,” he said.

The prospect of budget surpluses could help Mr. Kenney win back support in the party he founded. Mr. Kenney faces a leadership review in early April, giving frustrated United Conservative Party members a venue to judge his handling of the COVID-19 pandemic. UCP members opposed to public-health restrictions pushed for a review, although some residents believe Mr. Kenney has been too quick to eliminate the safeguards.

Further, protesters blocking Highway 4 near the U.S border crossing at Coutts took issue with Mr. Kenney’s restrictions and the premier accelerated plans to ease the rules as the demonstration dragged on, though he said the two weren’t related. He will likely point to the new budget as he argues he deserves to remain leader and Premier. The next provincial election is next year.

Alberta intends to spend $62.1-billion and collect $62.6-billion in revenue in fiscal 2022-2023, according to the budget. The government is banking on $13.8-billion from non-renewable resource revenue, up $9.1-billion from the $4.7-billion it predicted for 2022-2023 a year ago.


If the government’s most recent estimate holds, this would set a new record for bitumen royalties at $10.3-billion and mark the second-best year for non-renewable resource revenue overall. Alberta raked in $14.3-billion in non-renewable resources in 2005-2006, the highest ever.

However, the forecast assumes prices will begin to decline in the next year, bringing conventional crude oil and natural gas royalties on par or slightly lower relative to 2021-22. By 2024-25, the province expects resource revenue to drop to around $10.9 billion, as the global supply-demand imbalance resolves and prices decrease.

The budget is predicated on West Texas Intermediate oil, the North American benchmark, trading at an average of US$70 per barrel in the next fiscal year and US$66.50 by 2024-25. WTI traded above $100 per barrel Thursday, after Russia attacked Ukraine. By Thursday afternoon, it had retreated to around US$93.

Mr. Toews said the “naked aggression that Russia is showing towards Ukraine” is adding a risk premium to the energy sector, but he added that, as with all commodities, oil and gas prices will continue to rise and fall.

“We’ve seen great volatility in the last year and a half, incredible volatility,” he said. “That’s why we’re ensuring that we’re delivering government services most cost-effectively, being informed by our fiscal anchors.”

Alberta earmarked $23.6-billion for the department of health in 2022-2023 and set the COVID-19 contingency fund at $750-million. Mr. Toews conceded spending on health care will not keep pace with inflation and population growth, but argued the increase to baseline funding, combined with government’s effort to deliver services more efficiently, translates to “better service and more cost-effective use of taxpayer dollars.”

The government intends to draw from the $750-million COVID-19 contingency fund to address the surgical backlog in the province. Alberta’s waiting list was exacerbated during the pandemic, when the province halted non-emergency operations in order to secure the equipment and staff necessary to care for COVID-19 patients that were clogging intensive care units.

The UCP has repeatedly said they want Alberta to direct more surgical traffic to private surgical facilities, although those procedures would be covered by the public system. However, the government on Thursday insisted that the money set aside in the 2022-2023 budget to reduce the backlog would not go to chartered facilities. Instead, that cash will be directed toward expanding Alberta Health Services’ facilities over the next three years and covering the costs of executing the surgeries.

Alberta’s throne speech, delivered Tuesday, indicated the budget would contain a consumer rebate program to offset the rising costs of natural gas. The budget, however, deflated hopes of immediate relief. Under the budget, consumers using less than 2,500 gigajoules annually will be eligible for relief should the regulated rate exceed $6.50 per gigajoule. Price now are around $5 per gigajoule, twice what they were last year.

The Alberta New Democratic Party slammed the UCP for side-stepping relief programs.

“I was shocked that this government put nothing in this budget to help with the sky-high bills Albertans are paying right now. Not a cent,” Rachel Notley, the leader of the NDP, said in a statement. “For both gas and electricity, Albertans are on their own this winter.”

The budget sets aside $149-million for carbon capture, utilization and storage (CCUS) projects in the province in 2022-23. Alberta expects to increase that amount to $227-million in 2023-24 and $305-million the year after.

“That’s going to be an important part of our emissions reduction strategy in the energy industry,” Mr. Toews said.

CCUS facilities force carbon-dioxide emissions deep into the ground to keep them out of the atmosphere. The technology can be used in various major industrial sectors, including fossil-fuel production, power generation and manufacturing.

The cash earmarked for CCUS comes from the province’s carbon tax on large emitters, which it expects will generate about $421-million in revenue in the coming fiscal year. However, the province is yet to develop any specific programs to allocate the funds.

A large part of those projects going ahead, however, will rely on the CCUS investment tax credit announced by the federal government as part of its own budget in 2021.

The Alberta government said it wants the federal credit to cover 60 to 75 per cent of CCUS project costs, arguing that something in that range could result in 50 megatonnes of carbon capture per year, helping Canada to hit it ambitious climate targets.

Mr. Toews said while his government is pleased that Ottawa is going ahead with the program, it must be “at least equivalent to the American credit to ensure that we don’t see a flight of capital from Canada down into the U.S.”

“We need the federal government to step up and adequately calibrate this investment tax credit so that is meaningful, and so that it can provide enough incentive an assistance to make those big, large, costly infrastructure investments.”
 

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