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Decriminalization will not solve drug use problems. That is not the purpose of the policy. The police don't say that. Recent parliamentary committees didn't say that. The push for decriminalization is two fold: 1) reallocate police resources away from charging offenders with small amounts in their possession and target the bigger issues of distribution and smuggling (and education), and 2) erase a law whose consequences/punishment far exceed its severity. From a law and order side it is much more effective and efficient. Also, it has been documented that many of the largest pot distributors in Canada are connected to other criminal activities like hardcore drugs, weapons, arson and organized crime. Surely those parts of the problem are bigger then a single person with a joint rolled in his pocket (who, if charged, is f*cked over for life)

Decimalization is not a policy that says it is ok to smoke pot. But it strengthens the punishment for dealers and other distributors and puts pressure on the supply side (instead of demand). One way or another, it is far more complex then Prime Minister Harper (seems to) understand.

First off, there is too often a casual belief that decriminalization will solve the drug problem by eliminating the problematic part of drug use, which is built upon perceptions surrounding its legality. Many users of things like pot don't view themselves as having a problem - except for the fact that their doing so is actually against the law. What I was making rererence to (and probably not too clearly) was the more problematic aspects of drug use - such as hard-core addiction, criminal activity related to the support of that addiction, injury to self and to others due to that addiction. Decriminalization (and by extension, further criminalization) does not really address these issues directly - except in a punative manner.

Saying this, I was not making any reference to police statements, parliamentary committees and the like. Fine to point out what they said, or what they didn't say; to me, this swinging pendulum concerning attitudes over what are called "drugs" sweeps over a whole host of other related issues. Decriminalization (and further criminalization) does not address what drug use or abuse is fundamentally about. Without a more clear picture as to why people use or abuse the things classified as "drugs," we will inevitiably end up with laws that operate on a punitive basis alone.

I take exception to the plan offered by the Conservatives because it is a huge waste of time and resources to toss people into jail for using drugs. I think the reasons are obvious why this action is useless. Shifting legal responsibility back and forth between the user and the seller is also a little silly. The two have a relationship of sorts. One does not exist without the other. So if you decide to pursue one on the basis of law-enforcement, you must address the action of the other. The trouble is where do you go from there? More jails and more laws does not address issues of drug use or abuse. It just amplifies specific attitudes towards drug use and abuse. Full decriminalization and legalizing such use will not end abuse or even explain use.

Maybe I ask too much (and I think I am doing so), but I've never found any approach to dealing with this issue suitable because they appear to be constructed on incomplete knowledge.
 
Maybe I ask too much (and I think I am doing so), but I've never found any approach to dealing with this issue suitable because they appear to be constructed on incomplete knowledge.

We agree on this.

Not to beat a dying horse, but I'm still dont' get where you've linked 'decriminalization' with 'a solution to eddiction'. I know that I'm not saying it is a solution. Prime Minister Harper certainly isn't saying anything of substance. And while you're right when you highlight the complex nature of drug abuse on society and the individual, I don't see where any connect lies between decriminalization and these issues. (At least not in any direct sense) Although both fall within the same policy file, they are two different planets entirely - like Pluto and Mercury, with one not actually being a planet.

You write that there is a casual belief that decriminalization will solve the drug problem. I wonder how far that belief goes. Because, at least in my own experience and reading, this belief is held by a small minority. But that fact that it does exist suggests that greater emphasis needs to be placed on a communication and education strategy and less on the ideological/political debate. This is true of everything in Canadian politics when partisan lines divide and cloud even the most basic of issue. It is problematic that such a casual belief is held, especially since (as you note) it is intrinsically inaccurate. Decriminalization has nothing to do with solving the social/individual problems of drug abuse. Rather, it changes the law enforcement approach and reduces the punishment of users with small amounts of pot.

Moving to some of the other beliefs about addiction, like pot as a gateway drug or pot smokers don't believe they are addicts; problem needs to be addressed specifically under a holistic, interdiciplanary approach. The 'new' drug strategy is far from 'new' and far from holistic. The current rhetoric coming from Parliament Hill is useless crap. I guess when you talk about solution to the issues of drug abuse you see this approach as being a failed attempt at that. When I see this approach I see it as a regressive strategy that not only fails to provide a solution to substance abuse, it actually makes related problems worse by not pursuing with decriminalization - two entirely different issues.
 
From Dan Gardner in the Ottawa Citizen:


What's Harper smoking?

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Stephen Harper's announcement Thursday of a new national drug strategy served at least one valuable purpose: It conclusively demonstrated that the prime minister knows nothing about drugs or drug policy.

The list of misinformed, misleading or nonsensical statements uttered by Mr. Harper is long and this space short, so let me skip quickly to the highlights.

• "If you are addicted to drugs, we'll help you," the prime minister declared, "and if you sell drugs, we'll punish you." This is an understandable sentiment. Dealers are victimizers. Addicts are victims. Punish one, help the other. It seems so obvious -- if you know nothing about illicit drugs.

The fact that drugs are illegal makes them expensive. To buy drugs, addicts on the street have to shell out as much as several hundred dollars each day. Property crime and prostitution are two ways to get that money. But there is a better option for people with an intimate knowledge of the local drug market: Sell drugs.

Thus, the typical street-level dealer is a street-level addict -- and Harper's neat division of the drug world into villainous dealers and victimized addicts is simply nonsense. If the government passes mandatory minimum sentences for dealing, it will wind up punishing the very addicts it says it wants to help. Imagine a man patting a dog with his left hand while slapping it with his right. That is the Conservative drug plan.

• Then there's the use of the word "new" in the phrase "new National Anti-Drug Strategy." What precisely is "new" about it? The image of evil pushers and their hapless victims has been a recurring theme of moralizing politicians since the dawn of prohibition a century ago.

Even more familiar is Mr. Harper's juxtaposing of this image with a rejection of harm-reduction measures. In the 1950s, a growing heroin problem in Vancouver -- stop me if you've heard this one before -- prompted a national debate. On one side were doctors who called for a heroin-prescription program. On the other were police officers, who demanded harsher punishments for dealers and mandatory treatment for addicts.

As usual, the cops got their way. Severe sentences for importing and dealing became law in 1961, while people caught in possession of drugs could be given indefinite sentences in specialized treatment facilities. Did it work? At the time the law passed, illicit drugs were still a fringe phenomenon. Even marijuana was rarely seen outside beatnik circles. But then drug use exploded and the psychedelic '60s were born.

Dismayed by the failure of its drug policies, the government struck the LeDain commission to reconsider everything. After a huge amount of research, LeDain called for the decriminalization of marijuana and the creation of a heroin-prescription program. The police were furious. The government balked. And the LeDain report was dropped down the memory hole.

So what does Stephen Harper have to say about this? At the press conference, he complained about drug references in Beatles songs and the fact that drugs have been romanticized "since the 1960s." So naturally he wants to put in place the same policies that failed to stop Lucy from floating into the sky with diamonds -- a conclusion that seems perfectly reasonable, I assume, shortly after one drops acid.

• Asked why he wouldn't back harm reduction policies such as supervised injection, Mr. Harper said he is "skeptical." This is encouraging. The essence of skepticism is not accepting something as true until convinced by evidence. That's how public policy should be made.

Now, the harm-reduction policies Mr. Harper questions are supported by a great many peer-reviewed scientific studies, but perhaps Mr. Harper simply has very high evidentiary standards. Again, that's laudable. But what I find harder to understand is that Mr. Harper embraces law enforcement even though the evidence supporting the effectiveness of enforcement is generously described as "slim to none."

So is Mr. Harper a skeptic? Or is he a closed-minded ideologue? I think the evidence is clear.

• Invariably, Mr. Harper said, drug addiction must lead to tragedy. "If you remain a drug addict, I don't care how much harm you reduce, you're going to have a short and miserable life."

When William Wilberforce -- the man who defeated the slave trade in the British Parliament -- died in 1833, he was 74 years old. He was also an opium addict.

William Stewart Halsted -- a pioneering surgeon and medical researcher -- was just short of 70 when he died in 1922, despite being a lifelong addict. Halsted started with cocaine. Later, he switched to morphine -- a cousin of heroin -- and for the rest of his long and productive life he took daily injections of the drug.

Of course Halsted, Wilberforce and many others like them lived in a time when all drugs were legal and so they could easily obtain cheap and clean supplies. Not so today. As a result, addiction often leads to bankruptcy, squalor, disease and, as Mr. Harper said, "a short and miserable life."

So on this last point, Mr. Harper isn't entirely wrong, although I'm quite sure the connection between his policies and those short and miserable lives is lost on him. Righteous ignorance does fog the mind.
 
Another article, this time from the Globe (and editorial):

FEDERAL DRUG STRATEGY How to address those addictions

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The federal government's new anti-drug strategy is not as simplistic as advance comments by the Conservatives - notably Health Minister Tony Clement's silly "the party's over" declaration - might have led one to believe. It does not merely ape the failed "War on Drugs" strategy employed by the United States. Rather than treat addicts as criminals, it is sympathetic to their plight, devoting two-thirds of the program's $64-million in funding to treatment and prevention.

But it would stand a much better chance of success if it were not undermined by a rigid single-mindedness.

From Prime Minister Stephen Harper's perspective, fighting the evils of drug use is entirely about getting Canadians to stop taking drugs.

He rejects the ideas behind harm-reduction programs such as the Insite safe injection facility for heroin users in Vancouver. "I remain a skeptic that you can tell people that we won't stop the drug trade, we won't get you off drugs, we won't even send messages to discourage drug use but somehow we will keep you addicted but reduce the harm just the same," he said in announcing the new strategy last week. "If you remain a drug addict, I don't care how much harm you reduce, you are going to have a short and miserable life." Nobody will dispute the fact that it is better to avoid drug use entirely than to use drugs more safely. But it's not as easy as it sounds. Some potential drug users might be swayed by prevention campaigns, and some addicts will voluntarily enter rehabilitation.

Yet all the available evidence shows that no efforts by governments will get the most hardened addicts to kick their habit. That leaves two options: abandon those people altogether or attempt to limit the health and social costs of their illness.

The harm-reduction programs rejected by Mr. Harper do much in that regard. Insite reduces needle-sharing in the community, limiting the spread of disease. It saves lives by preventing addicts from dying of overdoses. It reduces the number of people injecting drugs in public places and leaving needles behind. Far from endorsing drug abuse, it encourages treatment. According to research, one in five regular visitors enlists in detoxification programs.

Instead of abandoning such efforts, the government should be expanding them. A sensible anti-drug strategy would do so. Unfortunately, Mr. Harper appears under the misguided impression that prevention and harm reduction are mutually exclusive.
 
Another article. This guy may be full of crap but his last few lines are on the mark:

Addicted to controversy; Psychologist wins $5,000 cash for debunking 'myth' of drug addiction

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Just as Al Gore was being honoured yesterday in Sweden for trying to dispel controversy and build consensus, halfway around the world in Vancouver, psychologist Bruce Alexander was being honoured for precisely the opposite.

Named this year's winner of the Nora and Ted Sterling Prize for Controversy, the drug-addiction researcher who thinks drug addiction is a myth, similar to medieval demon possession, joins a remarkable pantheon of academic poop-disturbers at Simon Fraser University, which awards the $5,000 prize, usually but not necessarily to one of its faculty.

"It's not the Nobel Prize," said Nora Sterling, a mental health advocate and arts patron, who established the award in 1994 with her late husband, Ted, the founding chair of the Simon Fraser University computer science program.

It has been awarded for controversies as diverse as the Newfoundland fishing economy, AIDS-related euthanasia, prostitution law, serial killer profiling, gun control, pest control, victims rights, cognitive differences between the sexes, genetically modified food and evolutionary psychology. It has been won by biologists and economists, criminologists and psychologists, grad students and professors emeritus, feather-rufflers all, united by disagreement.

It has even had controversies of its own, such as when it went to prominent right-wing economist and former Reform MP Herb Grubel, whose ideas are at odds with the mainstream of SFU's liberal arts faculty, who are among Canada's most leftist. In that sense, he was an unpopularly perfect choice for a celebration of controversy.

Prof. Alexander was nominated in large part for his role in inspiring Vancouver's "four pillars" drug abuse policy, which has drawn public denunciation from top American justice officials for its perceived laxity.

"That says it's controversial, and that's exactly the sort of thing that the prize wants to recognize," said Ron Ydenberg, an SFU biology professor who chaired the prize committee. "The committee is uninterested in the award winner being right in any sense. What we're interested in is that the work has attracted attention."

Ms. Sterling, who is not involved in judging, said the point is to recognize meaningul controversies for their role in promoting understanding.

"We are both controversial people, both my husband and myself," she said. "We questioned the mainstreams of thought and felt that there should be a prize for people who also question, but have done their homework to support their controversial approach. For scientists, their research methods must be ethical and judged as credible by their peers -- it cannot be merely opinions."

Born in New York City, educated in Wisconsin and at the University of Oregon medical school, Prof. Alexander was actively opposed to the Vietnam War as a young man, and avoided the draft because he was married with children. He arrived in Vancouver in 1970, hoping to move from experimental to clinical psychology, and "start curing people of addiction." He started with talk therapy for heroin addicts, one of psychology's more Sisyphean projects.

"I went into it like anyone else would. I knew what I had learned in school, and I remembered what my father taught me, you know, that these drugs cause addiction, and once people get into them they're sort of possessed, and if they're going to get out of it, they're going to have to have some sort of a conversion experience," Prof. Alexander said.

He discovered that addicts were not the demonic, pathological liars and thieves he had been told. "They're more like pathetic kids," he said.

His experiences prompted a "Peter Pan phase" in his thinking. His 1990 book, Peaceful Measures: Canada's Way Out of the War on Drugs, even includes a chapter on J.M. Barrie, who Prof. Alexander said was addicted to the fantasy of not growing up.

"He, in many ways, is like a junky, because he just can't face the complexities of life," he said.

This phase was part of a broad awakening to a new concept of addiction, which he now believes to be a relatively modern invention, the result of "insufficient psychosocial integration" in a free-market society.

Now, he thinks, the word "addiction" is more often used in the trivial sense, when the truth is something closer to "dependence," such as one can have on coffee, Prozac, even family. He has come to believe that addiction is not the unrelenting neurobiological grip of a substance, but a set of circumstances, involving nutrition, social exclusion, even the real estate market.

"There's a lot of people who use drugs, and they use them not in order to lead a junky life, but to lead a normal life. They use them as crutches. And in fact an awful lot of people do that. So, in my way of thinking, most smokers are not addicted," he said.

Real addiction, as he sees near his house, not far from Vancouver's Downtown Eastside, is a different beast than simple nicotine craving.

"You know these people have been labelled junkies, and you think maybe this was caused by the heroin, but why not say it's caused by the malnutrition, or the repeated physical violence, or the stress?" he said. Addiction is a very real and terrible problem, he said, but heroin itself is "a benign drug."

"The myth is demon possession, that drugs can possess you and make you into an addict. It has a very medieval flavour to it," he said. "That idea, that these drugs cause addiction, is an extremely valuable idea for an awful lot of people. I mean, obviously for police, to start with. That's easy, right, because now they have a mission to protect the public [from drugs]. But for psychologists even more so, because we have to have a reason why we can't cure these guys."

It's even a "useful story" for parents of junkies, who are often racked with guilt, fairly or not -- the story that it was the junk that got the child, "not anything that I didn't do."

As a researcher, Prof. Alexander started attracting serious attention in the 1970s, when he, with Barry Beyerstein, Patricia Hadaway and Robert Coambs, did a series of experiments known as "Rat Park," purportedly showing that drugs do not cause addiction. In one experiment, rats that had been fed morphine for two months straight were introduced to a luxurious habitat with wheels and balls, plenty of food, water and warmth, and a social network of other rats. Given a choice between morphine-laced water and tap water, the rats chose tap.

It was a convincing result for Prof. Alexander, and definitely controversial. But it was rejected by Science and Nature, two of the world's top journals, before being published in a lesser publication. His funding was eventually withdrawn. "Maybe we didn't write it well enough for Nature, I don't know," he said.

In his forthcoming book, The Globalization of Addiction, he expands on the iconoclasm that he has promoted for almost 30 years, and argues that Canada does not treat addiction aggressively enough. Among his proposed remedies are legislated changes to the real estate market, aimed at driving out speculators in favour of real people who need housing. He said the measures announced this week by Health Minister Tony Clement -- funding for prevention, treatment and a crackdown on dealing -- amount to "reinventing the wheel," and are doomed.

"The greatest naivete here is to suppose there is a shortcut," he said.


Nobel or not, you just cannot imagine Al Gore ever saying that.

jbrean@nationalpost.com
 
An interesting chart from the Economist:

Drugs.jpg


"NEARLY 1.9m people were arrested in America for drug offences in 2006—over three times the number detained in 1980. Around one in eight arrests is now drug related. But what they achieve in the “war on drugs†is unclear, according to a report by The Sentencing Project, an advocacy group. Fewer people take drugs: 14% of people reported using them monthly in 1979, but only 8% in 2005. But arrests are increasingly for more trivial crimes: in 2006 only 17.5% of arrests were made for the sale or manufacture of drugs, whereas some 39% were for the possession of marijuana."
 
The arrests for possession of a small amount of drugs are silly. Throwing people in jail for this is stupid. The latter is a massive expense, and I don't think Canadians are going to warm to the idea of building lots of new prisons to house pot smokers. In the long run, it won't stop the smoking of pot, it probably won't stop the incarcerated persons from smoking pot, it would not stop any negative health effects of smoking pot, and it won't stop some other persons from eventually starting to smoke pot.

CSW2424,

With respect to decriminalization, I suggest that it happen first as a means if clearing the notion up that a casual user is a criminal. This does not mean that drug use is legalized, just that certian actions such as imprisonment be avoided, as this does nothing particulalrly useful except for the people in the prison-building industry. That being said, some users most certainly have problems with whatever they are using, and that issue will persist regardless of further criminalization or decriminalization.
 
The institutional response to the issue of substance use AND abuse is perverse - and ultimately boils down to moralizing a public policy issue (i.e. should governments enable the use of mind altering stubstance?). And of course, there are also vested interests - why would the police, who stand to benefit most from decriminalization AND legalization (through reduced criminal/organized crime involvement in the production and distribution of drugs), be generally against the idea? Is it really about fighting "crime", ir is it about upholding the morals and values of a certain cohort of individuals?

AoD
 

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