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The Lecce Department of Labour Relations? The Mulroney Transportation Commission?

Nah, just a thought exercise, for the sake of lols:

Diamond and Diamond Ministry of the AG
Fiera Foods Ministry of Labour
Veoila Ministry of Transportation
Mount Pleasant Ministry of Health
TransCanada Ministry of Environment, etc

AoD
 
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Thuggo's environment policy is "total crap"... waiting for Thuggo to emerge from the pile and say "I hate manure...."
 

Thuggo's environment policy is "total crap"... waiting for Thuggo to emerge from the pile and say "I hate manure...."

Speaking of bullshit.....that's not even a proper pile of the stuff. They should have completely barricaded the door with manure.
 
Remember when Doug Ford required you to get a sick note for a cold or flu?

Employers requiring sick notes for minor illnesses a 'public health risk': CMA

See link.

The Ontario government’s proposal to reinstate the doctor’s note requirement for employees who call in sick poses a “public health risk,” according to the Canadian Medical Association.

It says that the measure, included in legislation introduced last month to roll back the previous Liberal government’s employment law reforms, flies in the face of what doctors advise their patients to do when they are sick with the common cold or flu: stay at home and get plenty of rest.

“We are urging the Ontario government to reconsider this legislation,” said Dr. Gigi Osler, the president of the Canadian Medical Association. “It’s unnecessary, it adds to the public health risk and it goes against what we would recommend to patients who are sick.”...

He wants us to be more like in the States. Consider this...

For Her Head Cold, Insurer Coughed Up $25,865

From link.

Alexa Kasdan had a cold and a sore throat.

The 40-year-old public policy consultant from Brooklyn, N.Y., didn't want her upcoming vacation trip ruined by strep throat. So after it had lingered for more than a week, she decided to get it checked out.

Kasdan visited her primary care physician, Roya Fathollahi, at Manhattan Specialty Care, just off Park Avenue South and not far from tony Gramercy Park.

The visit was quick. Kasdan got her throat swabbed, gave a tube of blood and was sent out the door with a prescription for antibiotics.

She soon felt better, and the trip went off without a hitch.

Then the bill came.

Patient: Alexa Kasdan, 40, a public policy consultant in New York City, insured by Blue Cross and Blue Shield of Minnesota through her partner's employer.

Total bill: $28,395.50 for an out-of-network throat swab. Her insurer cut a check for $25,865.24.

Service provider: Dr. Roya Fathollahi, Manhattan Specialty Care.

Medical service: lab tests to look at potential bacteria and viruses that could be related to Kasdan's cough and sore throat.

What gives: When Kasdan got back from the overseas trip, she says there were "several messages on my phone, and I have an email from the billing department at Dr. Fathollahi's office."

The news was that her insurance company was mailing her family a check — for more than $25,000 — to cover some out-of-network lab tests. The actual bill was $28,395.50, but the doctor's office said it would waive her portion of the bill: $2,530.26.

"I thought it was a mistake," she says. "I thought maybe they meant $250. I couldn't fathom in what universe I would go to a doctor for a strep throat culture and some antibiotics and I would end up with a $25,000 bill."

The doctor's office kept assuring Kasdan by phone and by email that the tests and charges were perfectly normal. The office sent a courier to her house to pick up the check.

How could a throat swab possibly cost that much? Let us count three reasons.

First, the doctor sent Kasdan's throat swab for a sophisticated smorgasbord of DNA tests looking for viruses and bacteria that might explain Kasdan's cold symptoms.

Dr. Ranit Mishori, professor of family medicine at the Georgetown University School of Medicine, says such scrutiny was unnecessary.

"In my 20 years of being a doctor, I've never ordered any of these tests, let alone seen any of my colleagues, students and other physicians order anything like that in the outpatient setting," she says. "I have no idea why they were ordered."

The tests might conceivably make sense for a patient in the intensive care unit or with a difficult case of pneumonia, Mishori says. The ones for influenza are potentially useful, since there are medicines that can help, but there's a cheap rapid test that could have been used instead.

"There are about 250 viruses that cause the symptoms for the common cold, and even if you did know that there was virus A versus virus B, it would make no difference because there's no treatment anyway," she says.

(Kasdan's lab results didn't reveal the particular virus that was to blame for the cold. The results were all negative.)

The second reason behind the high price is that the doctor sent the throat swab to an out-of-network lab for analysis. In-network labs settle on contract rates with insurers. But out-of-network labs can set their own prices for tests, and in this case the lab settled on list prices that are 20 times higher than average for other labs in the same ZIP code.

In this case, if the doctor had sent the throat swab off to LabCorp ― Kasdan's in-network provider ― it would have billed her insurance company about $653 for "all the ordered tests, or an equivalent," LabCorp told NPR.

The third reason for the high bill may be the connection between the lab and Kasdan's doctor. Kasdan's bill shows that the lab service was provided by Manhattan Gastroenterology, which has the same phone number and locations as her doctor's office.

Manhattan Gastroenterology is registered as a professional corporation with the state of New York, which means it is owned by doctors. It may be the parent company of Manhattan Specialty Care, but that is not clear in its filings with the state.

Fathollahi, the Manhattan Specialty Care physician, didn't answer our questions about the bill. Neither did Dr. Shawn Khodadadian, listed in state records as the CEO of Manhattan Gastroenterology.

The pathologist listed on the insurance company's explanation of benefits is Dr. Calvin L. Strand. He is listed in state records as the laboratory director at Manhattan Gastroenterology and Brookhaven Gastroenterology in East Patchogue, N.Y. We tried to reach him for comment at both places.

Even though Kasdan wasn't stuck with this bill, practices like this run up the cost of medical care. Insurance companies base premiums on their expenses, and the more those rise, the more participants have to pay.

"She may not be paying anything on this particular claim," says Richelle Marting, a lawyer who specializes in medical billing at the Forbes Law Group in Overland Park, Kan., who looked into this case for NPR. "But overall, if the group's claims and costs rise, all the employees and spouses paying into the health plan may eventually be paying for the cost of this."

Marting says this is a common problem for insurance companies. Most claims processing is completely automated, she says. "There's never a human set of eyes that look at the bill and decide whether or not it gets paid."

Kasdan did pay her usual $25 copay for the office visit and a $9.61 fee to LabCorp for a separate set of lab tests.
 
The group of people Doug's government is "For" (as per the ubiquitous slogan) seems to be awfully narrow, given how they seem to do nothing but pass legislation that hurts most Ontarians.
 
To the corporations in Ontario...

Merry Christmas!

78210.jpg

From link.

To the people of Ontario...

Bah humbug!
https%3A%2F%2Fblogs-images.forbes.com%2Fphildemuth%2Ffiles%2F2014%2F12%2Falastair-sim-scrooge-note-007.jpg

From link.
 
For comparison, here's an article on former Premier Bill Davis. A Progressive Conservative, with emphasis on the "progressive".

The ordinary extraordinariness of Bill Davis

Ontarians picked him as their 18th premier when he was just 41 years old. Today, he turns 90 — and he’s still going strong

By Steve Paikin- Published on Jul 30, 2019

See link.

At the risk of sounding a bit too macabre, here are some words I thought I might never type: former Ontario premier Bill Davis is 90 years old today.

I remember when, at the tender age of 41, Davis became the province’s 18th premier. He was one of the youngest first-time first ministers we’d ever had. Fourteen years later, he ended up being the second-longest-serving premier in Ontario history, and his political record was matched by few — if any — of the other 25 people who’d also had the job.

For some strange reason, I have been fascinated with the life and times of William Grenville Davis for decades. No question, part of it stems from the fact that his formative years in politics coincided with my formative years growing up in Ontario. And as a cub reporter in the early 1980s, I covered his fourth and final term at Queen’s Park, which turned out to be a hugely interesting and consequential time for our province and country.

In November 1981, Davis’s intervention at just the right moment saved what otherwise would have been yet another failed attempt to repatriate Canada’s Constitution with an accompanying Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

It was also Davis who made the decision to build and locate a new domed stadium, with the world’s first-ever mechanically retractable roof, right beside the CN Tower, in downtown Toronto. The SkyDome (as it was then known) was a breakthrough in urban design and planning. Most American cities were building their new stadiums in the suburbs, leaving their downtowns to roll up the sidewalks every day at 5 p.m. Not Toronto. Our capital city’s downtown remains one of the most vibrant in North America, partly because of the dome decision.

Davis’s final term was also punctuated by one of the most controversial decisions he ever made: to extend public funding for the Catholic school system to the end of high school. The Constitution promised taxpayer support to the end of Grade 8. As education minister, in the 1960s, Davis extended public funding to Grade 10. There it remained for two decades. If Catholic students wanted to attend grades 11, 12, and 13 in the separate school system, they had to pay tuition to do so. Davis’s 1984 decision to extend taxpayer support to the end of high school began the process that ended this practice.

To this day, 35 years after the fact, many Ontarians still believe he made the wrong call.

Davis was born in Toronto on July 30, 1929, and grew up in a Brampton that would be unrecognizable today. It was a far cry from the dynamic, multicultural city of 600,000 people we’re familiar with. Five thousand souls lived there then; 95 per cent of them were white Anglo-Saxon Protestants.

And yet, by all accounts, Davis grew into an adult who was free of many of the prejudices that were so prevalent in the province then. In 1972, he appointed Ontario’s first-ever female cabinet minister, Margaret Birch, who told me years later that she’d never faced sexism while in cabinet. Why not?

“Bill Davis wouldn’t have stood for it,” she said.

Unlike too much of the Tory core at the time, Davis also had no time for antisemitism, even though he surely would have had almost no exposure to Jews growing up in Brampton. Men such as Eddie Goodman and Hugh Segal became senior advisers. And both Allan and Larry Grossman (father and son) played senior roles in Davis’ cabinets.

His near decade as education minister under premier John Robarts featured some of the most ambitious initiatives Ontario history. Under his leadership, the province saw the creation of the college system, the establishment of new universities (including York, Laurentian, Brock, and Trent) and the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, a commitment to save French school boards, and the creation of Ontario’s educational broadcaster, TVO. (Davis occasionally teases me about this: “If not for me, you’d have been unemployed for the past quarter-century.”)

His approach to politics is, sadly, that of a bygone era. He treated his adversaries as worthy opponents, not enemies to be destroyed. He oversaw minority governments for six years, which meant that he had to be pragmatic and not ideological — working to gain the NDP’s support on some bills and the Liberals’ support on others. When then-prime minister Brian Mulroney asked for Davis’s advice on whom to appoint as Canada’s new United Nations ambassador, Davis recommended Stephen Lewis, the former leader of the opposition. It is nearly impossible to imagine any of today’s first ministers offering such advice. And, of course, Mulroney took it.

Davis has been out of public office for almost 35 years, yet he remains quite active in politics. In 2014, when he lost confidence in Brampton’s then-mayor, Susan Fennell, he went to bat for Linda Jeffrey in the mayoral race — even though she was a former Liberal cabinet minister. After his relationship with Jeffrey soured, he backed former Ontario PC leader Patrick Brown in last year’s mayoral contest, even going so far as to record a robocall for him. Brown beat Jeffrey by almost 4,000 votes, even though he had decided only a few weeks before election day to contest the mayoralty.

When Dalton McGuinty won a minority government in 2011 (after having won two straight majorities), one of the first post-election meetings he took was with Davis. McGuinty wanted advice on how to manage a hung parliament, and Davis was the undisputed master of that, having led two different governments in minority parliaments from 1975 to 1981.

And Ontario’s new education minister, Stephen Lecce, is trying to set up a meeting with Davis sometime this summer to pick the brain of the man who was appointed to that same job 57 years ago. (Coincidentally, Davis, then 33, was about the same age as Lecce, who's 32, when Robarts gave him the job.)

Interestingly enough, Davis has never met Doug Ford. Davis makes no secret of the fact that, although he’s still a loyal Tory, his and the current premier’s versions of progressive conservatism are quite incompatible.

In recent years, Davis has had his share of health problems, and each of his five children has admitted to being surprised and grateful that he is still around to enjoy his 12 grandchildren and two great-grandchildren. While Davis is now physically quite frail, he remains intellectually impressive. He can still remember the most minute details of issues, files, and negotiations that he worked on decades ago.

The unsung hero of the Bill Davis story is his wife, Kathleen, to whom he’s been married for more than half a century. Little remembered (because it was so long ago) is the fact that Davis’s first wife, Helen (his University of Toronto sweetheart), became extremely ill and died at 31, leaving him a widower with four children under the age of seven.

Kathleen, a long-time friend of one of Davis’s sisters, eventually took on the job of becoming a mother to those four kids. The couple then had a child of their own. Kathleen’s devotion to the family enabled Davis to have the political career he’d always wanted, ever since he was elected as an MPP for the first time, in 1959, at the age of 29.

Former premier David Peterson once described Davis as “an extraordinary guy, cloaked in ordinariness.” That rare combination allowed Davis to feel at home everywhere: in a farmer’s field, on the factory floor, at cultural events, and at the Albany Club, where he’d puff on his omnipresent pipe among captains of industry.

He is the last premier of Ontario to have won four straight elections (in 1971, 1975, 1977, and 1981), a rare achievement, and one that’s extremely unlikely ever to be replicated. (The last premier to do it before him: James Whitney, more than 100 years ago.)...
 
Bill Davis had it relatively easy, since he took over from a very competent Premier.
Both Mike Harris and Doug Ford took over from (arguably) the worst Premier in Ontario history.
 

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