Toronto needs 'powers of a province'
May 02, 2009
CHRISTOPHER HUME
The first thing to remember is nations don't create wealth, cities do.
Specifically, city regions are the great engines of economic activity. The countries within which these regional powerhouses are located benefit enormously, but often have little grasp of the role they play. Although "senior" governments can help cities, more often they get in the way.
There's no better example than the region made up of the GTA and Hamilton. It generates about 20 per cent of Canada's GDP but is struggling to realize its potential.
"We have created all these political barriers," argues Eric Miller, director of the University of Toronto's newly formed Cities Centre. "We compete with one another for taxes and jobs. But these political barriers are artificial and get in the way. ... If you look at where wealth, expertise and innovation occur, it's in cities. In Canada, we're at a disadvantage because politically we don't recognize cities and urban regions."
Indeed, Ottawa builds surpluses and spends billions of tax dollars raised in major urban centres, with little regard for the health of these growing but increasingly troubled conurbations. Under our system, the care and feeding of cities falls to the provinces, most of which don't appear to have a clue.
According to Toronto transportation consultant Ed Levy, "the biggest mistake was made in the 1970s when the municipal regions – Halton, Durham, Peel and York – were formed. We have always needed to think regionally, but the stumbling block has been politics."
Levy feels the province's fear of creating a political rival has led to a divide-and-conquer strategy. The four regions' mandates go beyond those of individual towns and cities but aren't large enough to threaten Queen's Park.
Such concerns are becoming increasingly irrelevant in a world that's urbanizing faster than ever.
As author Richard Florida points out, "To compete in this rapidly changing global economy, communities have to think/act regionally and increase their connectivity to their respective mega-region; it is crucial for long-term success. ... economic activity is concentrated in a select group of mega-regions. Worldwide there are just 40 significant mega-regions, which are home to one-fifth of the world's population, two-thirds of the global economic output and 85 per cent of all worldwide innovation. Successful economic development has always been a regional endeavour, but even more so today."
Still, we remain mired in old ideas about the primacy of nation states. In her 1984 book, Cities and the Wealth of Nations, Jane Jacobs wrote: "The failure of national governments and blocs of nations to force economic life to do their bidding suggests some sort of essential irrelevance. It also affronts common sense ... to think of units as disparate as, say, Singapore and the United States, or Ecuador and the Soviet Union, or the Netherlands and Canada, as economic common denominators. All they really have in common is the political fact of sovereignty."
Little wonder then that the Toronto region has little to show for itself so far, beyond Metrolinx, the provincially mandated transit authority that encompasses Hamilton and the GTA.
"Metrolinx is a great first step," the U of T's Miller says, "but we are territorial animals. And it's hard to get beyond the zero-sum game, a product of our political system and chronic underfunding."
Miller also insists we need not give in to fears of losing local identity. He points to Leaside and Swansea, which have retained their neighbourhood character long after they ceased to exist legally.
It's also worth noting that several weeks ago Premier Dalton McGuinty kicked politicians, most of them municipal, off the Metrolinx board. His act confirmed everything Levy and other critics say; namely, local governments aren't up to the task of regional planning.
This has led some observers, including author Alan Broadbent, to explore the idea of remaking the GTA as the Province of Toronto.
"There is an argument to be made for a whole new definition of these (large urban) regions," he writes in Urban Nation. "In effect, the Vancouver, Toronto and Montreal regions should have the powers of a province."
Broadbent notes, for example, Toronto receives nearly half the newcomers who arrive in Canada annually, but it has no control over services that affect them most, including education and health care.
As well, many of the province's governments, most recently the Harris/Eves regime, were supported mostly outside Toronto. Policies that make sense in the hinterland can be unhelpful, even destructive, to large urban regions.
Tony Coombes, executive director of the Neptis Foundation, is more optimistic. "There is a void at the regional level," he admits. "But Metrolinx is now becoming an operating authority with the ability to influence land-use decisions and policies so that they support the province's Growth Plan."
It's an important step toward achieving regional solutions, if not a regional government. As he observes, "You have to deal with big problems – the environment, congestion, immigration, land use – at the appropriate level. They can't be tackled by all these different municipalities."